Ana Čelar

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Lukáš Diko, editor-in-chief of the Ján Kuciak Investigative Centre, speaks about the implications of the recent parliamentary elections in Slovakia for journalists and media

In the aftermath of the 2023 Slovak parliamentary election, the nation found itself at a democratic crossroads.

Former Prime Minister Robert Fico, a prominent figure in Slovak politics, made a notable comeback as his party, Direction – Social Democracy (Smer-SD), secured a victory in the 2023 elections. Fico's return to power reminded Slovaks of the brutal killing of investigative journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová in 2018.

Kuciak's investigative stories led to the exposure of government corruption, and of the ties between political elites and organized crime. This ultimately cost Fico his position as Prime Minister.

Oštro delved into these issues with Lukáš Diko, editor-in-chief of the Ján Kuciak Investigative Centre to explore the implications of Fico’s victory on media freedom in Slovakia, and especially for investigative journalists.

What were the contributing factors to Smer-SD's electoral success?

It's important to note that Smer's popularity had declined after the 2020 elections, partly due to the murder of Ján Kuciak and Martina Kušnírová and also due to the party's internal split. Fico then changed his rhetoric and according to our analysis gained support by promoting anti-vaxx and COVID-19 protests and disinformation. He also used anti-U.S. and pro-Russian rhetoric in the past two years. 

Additionally, the government formed in 2020 prioritized a strong anti-corruption agenda. A lot of cases from Fico’s era were investigated, but the government was not that good in managing the state – during the pandemic, but also in the time that followed. So the trust in the state was already on the decline.

Do you believe that Fico's return to politics has already had a noticeable impact on the media landscape in Slovakia?

Over the course of three and a half years, Smer’s influence became increasingly palpable, primarily through their extensive presence on Facebook, the predominant social network in Slovakia. Members of Smer resorted to targeting journalists, often launching attacks in connection with ongoing investigations. They posted threats to cooperating witnesses, but also to journalists who reported on corruption cases linked to the former Ficos government. 

Even after the elections, these threats persisted, with threats of potential legal action against some journalists.

Has this affected the freedom of speech and state of investigative journalism in the country?

It's yet to manifest, but there's a possibility of an impact. We'll have to wait and see if any preventive measures will be taken, or if these threats materialize. 

One concerning aspect is that our analysis of the attacks on journalists on Facebook during the two months preceding the elections revealed that in the group of 6 primary aggressors – and I'm not referring to constructive criticism or factual corrections – were actually three parties set to form the new government coalition, Smer, the centre-left HLAS (Voice) and nationalist Slovak National Party (SNS). These parties incorporated attacks on journalists as a part of their election campaign strategy. 

Historically, we've observed that whenever a journalist was targeted for specific reasons or in connection with a particular case, it triggered a wave of harassment and threats from their followers, often resulting in intimidating messages and emails that necessitated police investigations.

And what was the state of public opinion towards journalism like? Did it affect what people think of journalists?

Following the tragic murder of Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová in 2018, there was an outpouring of support. Tens of thousands of people took to the streets, resulting in the resignation of Robert Fico. This period saw a surge in support for investigative journalism, with many individuals aspiring to become one. 

However, five years later, it appears that this support has declined. What's concerning is that those who regularly target journalists have succeeded in eroding the trust in mainstream media, which is now at a significant low. Consequently, many people have turned to disinformation websites as a source of information, intensifying the challenge of ensuring accurate reporting.

Did this have an impact on the willingness of journalists to cover sensitive topics? Did they stray away from covering politics?

In terms of regular news reporting, there hasn't been a noticeable decline. But there are indications that potential issues may arise in the coming years, such as a decrease in the number of young journalists.

As of now, journalists have not ceased their work. However, the real concern lies in the number of investigative journalists; which is at this point not larger than ten in the whole country.

Was the number larger before?

Yes, definitely. It was up to 20. Take into consideration that the same people who in 2017 spied on and followed Ján also followed around 30 other journalists at the time.

We know that certain individuals within the police, some of whom are now in prominent positions, were connected to the murder case of Ján and Martina. Witness statements suggested that one of them had provided private information on journalists from police databases. Although he was never charged, these witnesses later altered their statements. Astonishingly, this individual has now been elected as a Member of Parliament for Smer.

Are there any safeguards to ensure the preservation of media independence?

Media regulation has seen modest improvements, and there are some steps to protect journalists. But these measures are vulnerable to changes due to the direction of the new government. 

Thanks to the experience with past authoritarian leaders, Slovak media has a history of resilience. Many media outlets are financially independent because they have online subscriptions. There's also a national initiative to monitor and support threatened journalists run by our center.

What are your expectations and concerns for the media landscape in Slovakia? 

I failed to mention this important parallel we should consider, which is the situation in Hungary and Poland. Leaders like Viktor Orbán and the ruling party PiS in Poland have wielded significant influence over public service media, essentially using it as a platform for their political messaging. It's possible that we might see a similar scenario develop here as some of the representatives of the new government coalition already voiced the willingness for changes at the public broadcaster.

The real question is whether the EU is prepared to respond swiftly, if fundamental democratic values, including press freedom, come under threat. The EU's reaction, or lack thereof, could significantly impact the future course of events, just as we've observed in Hungary and Poland.

How can the international community support the cause of press freedom in Slovakia?

I believe it's crucial to address this issue, not just within Slovakia but also internationally. Sending letters of support can be an effective means of influencing change when things take a turn for the worse. 

The pressure from abroad, even if it doesn't always lead to immediate change, can provide journalists with the psychological fortitude to endure such attacks. Colleagues in Hungary, for example, found solace in knowing that they had the support of fellow journalists from around the world when they faced the challenges.

Which achievements of Slovak investigative journalists are you especially proud of?

Even before 2018, Slovakia exhibited far-reaching corruption, and none of the cases were investigated by law enforcement at the time. A lot of them were investigated by journalists, so I believe that investigative journalism is the last frontier for a society that defends democratic values. 

The second crucial thing was the unity and collaboration this fostered among investigative journalists. Initiatives like the Kočner Library Project, a secure leak room in Bratislava where journalists could explore around 57 terabytes of data, demonstrated the power of cooperation, with nearly all Slovak media outlets working together instead of competing. 

The Kočner Library Project now contains thousands of documents associated with the Slovak entrepreneur Marián Kočner who faces the court on charges of allegedly orchestrating the murder of Ján and Martina. 

This approach not only led to a wealth of corruption exposés, but also made journalists feel safer.